Cultural Ecopsychology:  Issues of Displacement and the Urban African Community

African Nature-based Traditions
 
To be deprived of one’s nature is a terrible loss (Somé, 1994, p. 287).
 
When preparing children to get religion, the elders would remove the children from the community to strengthen them spiritually. When the children were ready, in the elders’ opinion, they were told to go out at night and find a place where they thought they could talk with God. That place would always be theirs. Community with nature meant for them meditating with God (Wade-Gayles, 1995, p. 80).
 
The preceding chapter focused on the trauma and oppression that resulted from two historic displacements which greatly affected what is now the urban African American community: first through enslavement into an alien landscape and antithetical culture which eventually led to a second placement into industrialized cities. The purpose was to document how the present problems of the urban Black community manifested as a result of these two displacements. In addition, within the section, Systems and their Relation to Culture, the author demonstrated how western or linear culture is oppressive to non-western cultures that are contained within it. Thus African Americans, as descendants of a more circular/relational culture, are at an immediate disadvantage within the mainstream culture of the United States. The author documented that this oppression extends to the entire living world as well. The relationship between the oppression of people of color as well as the entire living world points to the fact that western culture, as a system, is unsustainable. It is unsupportive of the living world, exploiting its material resources and relying on a hierarchical order. Hence, the ecological and racial problems within this country cannot be resolved within the framework of a western system, for the system itself is what is causing these problems.
This chapter looks at some examples of earth-based traditions within the areas the enslaved Africans originated. Kemp (2000, March 24) states that "...reviewing the relationship with what was lost (p. 10)..." is one key to healing the trauma of displacement. It is centered on the principles of Africentric Psychology, maintaining that the healing that needs to occur within the urban Black community must utilize principles that are culturally relevant to this population. This chapter looks at some key principles from the traditional African identity. It identifies some specific cultural models from Central and West African ancestry that demonstrate possible designs of a sustainable worldview from the context of a circular culture. The purpose is not only to uncover some of the ancestral traditions of African Americans, but moreover to document examples of how a culture mediates a healthy relationship within the living world.
It is important to note that not every culture or cultural practice from West and Central Africa is earth-based and sustainable. One could find countless examples of the contrary. However, the cultures of West and Central Africa did not initiate the large scale exploitation of natural resources fostered by western cultures such as the United States. In fact many of the present problems of these countries can be traced to colonization and industrialization that resulted from contact with western influences. What is important is the fact that African cultures have a longstanding relationship with the living and spiritual world that has fostered sustainable models of living. The living world is integral to the identity of the African, providing a relevant example of how a culture heals the rift between the human psyche and the natural world.
The information presented in this chapter barely touches the subject. The resources presented here are not comprehensive of every tradition from Central and West Africa. Researching the earth-based traditions of Central and West Africa could become a life-long pursuit. The author recognizes that she chose minimal examples to illustrate this relationship. In addition, the information surrounding these traditions may be somewhat unclear for they derive from non-linear sources of information. The information comes from the unexplainable — the unseen and mysterious forces of this world. According to Nelson (1993), this type of knowledge comes from the limbic brain which is illogical and unexplainable. Hence presenting this type of information in a paper for an academic pursuit that is traditionally based upon logic is somewhat contradictory. The author asks that the reader abstains from viewing this information from a linear framework and instead recognizes that there are infinite sources of information that will never fit within the rational western model of thought.
Lastly, as was identified in an earlier chapter, it is important to recognize the cultural diversity of West and Central Africa. This region does not have one exclusive worldview, but instead is comprised of diverse peoples and practices. Yet at the same time, there is a similarity of the people from this region that sets them apart from other areas of Africa. In the essay, Perspectives for a study of African American Religion (Fulop& Raboteau, 1997), C.H. Long, points out that the region in which the enslaved Africans originated was both a distinct cultural and geographical area. He refers to another scholar, Forde, who contends that this region has "...a structural unity discernible in language and religious forms (p. 26)." He continues stating that "...this persisting structural mode and the common situation as slaves in America may be the basis for the persistence of an African style among the descendants of the Africans (p.26)." This idea is also elaborated upon by Mintz and Price (Fulop & Raboteau, 1997) in their essay, The Birth of African American Culture, where they state that "...individuals from West and Central African cultures [focus their attention] upon similar kinds of events, even though the ways for handling these events may seem quite diverse in formal terms (p. 41)." Thus although there is cultural diversity, there is also an sense of common identity. The author believes the relationship with the living, spiritual world is one common thread in this identity.
 
Africentric psychology
One realization that is central to this study is the fact that the western model cannot be employed to address the ecological and racial problems of this world, for western culture has bred these issues. Hence a western model of psychology cannot be used to understand the problems of the Black community for it focuses on parts-oriented thinking. For example, a psychologist from western culture may deduce that an incarcerated Black male suffers from issues of anger, abandonment, and low-self esteem that occurred in the home. Yet this psychologist may not consider that this man may suffer from the trauma of losing a sacred relationship with the living world and his ancestral traditions. Nor that the toxicity of his immediate environment is debilitating to the welfare of his loved ones and his self-identity.
Within this chapter, the author will employ some psychological concepts found within the African identity or what Azibo (1996) terms "Africentric" psychology. The author documents specific psychological principles found within the cultural traditions that are relevant to the African identity and to mediating a relationship with the living world. These include the life force, the role of the ancestors, the image of the African landscape, the African personality, the human soul, principles of non-duality and dynamism, and ritual/divination.
Within his essay, African Psychology in Historical Perspective (Azibo, 1996), Daudi Ajani ya Azibo traces the history of African psychology and contends that the Africentric model of psychology is the correct model for African peoples because it recognizes the true identity of their origins and cosmologies. An Africentric model of psychology is one that derives itself from the natural laws of the universe "through an African perspective and [is then] applied to the African personality" (p. 5). Azibo stresses that cultures are patterns for interpretating reality in a fashion that provides its members with a general design for living. The Africentric model is the original design of African psychology dating before 3200 B.C.E. and, since the 1970's, it has been reconstructed by African psychologists (p. 3). During the time between these dates, psychologists have employed models which have, more or less, been based on a Eurocentric model.
Azibo clearly spells out the problems with the use of the Eurocentric model for African descended peoples. Most evident is that this model comes from a cultural perspective that is at odds with the traditions of African peoples. He labels the use of the Eurocentric model as deconstructionist, perpetuating, whether overtly or subtly, white supremacy (p. 8-10). He outlines the four main problems of the Eurocentric model:
[1.] projects itself as universal rather than particular
[2.] is standard rather than particular
[3.] is exclusionary rather than inclusive of other centric thought
[4.] is defensive rather than inviting of scrutiny (p. 19)
The Eurocentric model of psychology is consistently upheld as the most authentic field of psychology. Students of psychology are required to study the founding principles of the fathers of psychology, who were mostly European men, the majority of them rooted in the ills of the industrial age. These founding principles are then applied to the full spectrum of psychological disorders, as opposed to looking at disorders within a more intimate context. At the same time, they do not sincerely consider the perspectives of other cultures, and are not open to significant change.
Azibo makes an additional point for the necessity of an Africentric model. He believes that no matter how a person is conditioned, her/his "centric thought base" comes from their cultural origin. Hence, all Black persons, no matter what their upbringing, will be influenced by their African traditions, and other models of psychology have the potential to be contradictory to their personalities.
 
The life force
Nathan Huggins (1977) supports Azibo’s contention that no matter where they were born, currently live, or what culture they currently practice, the descendants of Africa are intrinsically connected. Huggins introduces the concept of the "life force." According to Huggins, traditional Africans recognize a life force which influences everything in the present and future, which originates from all life in the past, including one’s ancestors. The life force is comprised of and inhabited by all living things. The human soul manifests out of the life force at birth, and, at death, reenters the life force. The art of living was attuning to this power. Huggins claims that the life force links the present with the past through one’s ancestors and one’s landscape (pp. 12-16).
The concept of the life force is central to this study. Huggins illustrates the embedded nature of the African worldview:
The fundamental pulses of nature — the rains, the seasons, the tides — punctuated life. Thus each place had a sameness, a common imperative pulling all together to an insistent command that was above and beyond the individual self, the family, or the clan (p. 5).
From an ecopsychological perspective it clearly identifies that the traditional African (unlike people of western culture) could not separate her/his identity from that of the living world. The two were intrinsically connected. The energies of life which abounded in all living things came from the same force. This energy was not limited to a specific time and place — it reached into the past and into the future. While it was earthly, it also connected to what was considered spiritual/religious. "To be a part of a natural universe, a creation that exceeded human imaging, was a sustaining insight (Huggins, 1977, p. 153)." In sum, the idea of the life force signifies that everything is inseparably connected, the human identity cannot be examined without consideration of the entire living world.
The African way of life is in sharp contrast to that of western culture in that the accent is not on the individual, but instead on the community. The African is both part of an extended family and a clan (tribe). One’s activities are for the betterment of the group, rather than for oneself. The western culture’s concepts of the individual did not exist within African societies, for one could not be an individual without the knowledge and support of the group. Clearly this group identity fosters greater harmony among a people living in close proximity. It is easier, and necessary, to be in a group for biological survival. The community develops its own laws and customs in order to meets its survival needs. Huggins stresses that the village was the heart of African life and "nature was the throb of the village’s heart" (1977, p. 5).
Malidoma Somé (1998), a writer and spiritual leader originally from the Dagaran culture of West Africa, illustrates that the Dagaran believe that every human is born with a purpose to fulfill and the meaning of life is found in fulfilling this purpose. Somé reveals that children are named after this purpose, which is divined by the elders prior to the child being born. In his culture, an individual must focus upon her or his life purpose, which always serves the greater community in its ends. Somé identifies this purpose as cultivating one’s genius, and stresses that every single person possesses some type of genius that is pertinent to the well-being of the community.
The African has a natural world view, one which neither separates itself from the natural world, nor places itself above other living entities. Huggins also claims that traditional Africans have a cyclical sense of time:
Africans had preconceptions about how the universe was ordered, how each was linked with other beings and things, both in the time that was past as well as in the time that was yet to come. The African knew himself to be one with nature; everything about him was, like himself, a being with nature. Animals, plants, and trees had spirit and life within them — even stones, houses, and rivers had indwelling spirits (1977, p. 68).
This concept is similar to David Abram’s discussion of time and space in The spell of the sensuous (1996). Abram claims that western culture distinguishes between time and space, while more traditional (and ecologically healthy) cultures do not separate the two. For the African, time and space were indistinguishable. Initiations in a person’s life, such as birth and death, were not linear, they were simply affirmations of the cyclical nature of life. These things were manifestations of the life force itself.
 
The role of the ancestors
The concept of the life force points to the connection between African descendants and their ancestors. The life force is comprised of all forms of life, present and past, which includes (and emphasizes) the role of the ancestors. In light of this information, African Americans are being affected by the spirits of their ancestors. This is both humbling and somewhat problematic when taking into consideration the plight of African American ancestors. The institution of slavery resulted in a disruption of relationship with one ancestors through displacement and also as a result of the violent and sorrowful fates of so many peoples from Central and West Africa. Enslavement forced the Africans away from their ancestral grounds where the spirits of their ancestors abounded within the landscape. Clearly much knowledge was lost to those who were enslaved. The brutality of slavery also resulted in violent deaths and painful memories for African Americans. This pain has yet to be healed within the Black community and the trauma of oppression is still going on.
Somé addresses what happens when a culture loses its connection to its traditions and ancestors. He stresses the need to adhere to one’s cultural tradition and the certainty of the culture’s destruction if its members stop honoring it. He also contends that a healthy culture must be indigenous (earth-based), recognizing that its center is about life, not strictly, nor most importantly, about the human experience. Somé speaks directly to people of western culture stating, "if people in the West could embrace some more positive values of the indigenous world, perhaps that might even provide them with a ‘shortcut’ to their own future (1994, p. 1)."
The current conditions of urban Black communities can attest to Somé’s belief that a people will be destroyed if they fail to adhere to their traditions. These communities are experiencing crisis which, at their worst, manifest into illnesses such as violence, depression, and despondency. Somé recognizes that a healthy culture is not only based on nature but seeks to serve its community members. He stresses that the individual is not a contained entity, she or he is embedded in a much wider permeable cycle between itself, the living world — which includes the ancestors. Somé believes that many of the current problems of western culture are connected to their ancestors, "the present state of restlessness that traps the modern individual has its roots in a dysfunctional relationship with the ancestors (1994, p. 9)." The connection to one’s ancestors is an important link to living in a healthy cultural world view and its manifestation.
Ancestors pass down the wisdom of how to live to their family. Somé details the relationship he had with his grandfather, and the belief that he was reborn his grandson in this life from the soul of his grandfather’s brother to help his family. According to Somé, this is the case with many souls, they are regenerated through the same family. One’s ancestors help one to learn the lesson of this life more easily and wisely. When this link is broken, one’s self and one’s community suffers.
African Americans have a sometimes tragic relationship with their ancestors, initially because they were forced from their traditional lands where the spirits of the ancestors reside. Once displaced, their influences were probably still felt, but may have lost some context and strength. Then the actual practice of slavery often resulted in families being broken apart through sale and death. Here generational wisdom was again lost. The Great Migration periods of the first part of this century resulted in a massive migration of African Americans from the South to the North, again disconnecting populations from their habitat and ancestral burial grounds. Lastly, the pressure to acculturate with the values of western civilization causes the meaning of the ancestral culture to lose importance.
According to Somé this disruption of one’s culture will result in illness and misfortune for its descendants. The only way to reverse this is to reconnect with the ancient wisdom which is contained within one’s landscape. "The life energy of ancestors who have not yet been reborn is expressed in the life of nature in trees, mountains, rivers, and still water (1994, p. 20)." Somé relays that communities need to attune to the natural world in order to retrieve and continually receive the wisdom to live. Yet people of western culture have lost much of the means to attune to this wisdom. As people from western culture continue to separate their reality from that of the natural world, they will continue to lose their ability to perceive it. Somé stresses that a transformation must happen in order to change present circumstance.
A person who stays away from his home for a lengthy period of time leaves a great portion of his soul abroad when he returns. Nothing important can happen until the person is fully integrated again, that is, joined back together, body, and soul (1994, p. 163).
Somé conveys that much of the necessary work of reconnecting to this life force is out of the ordinary range of human perception, for it involves entering into a different reality. Once people of western culture, let this different reality enter their lives, the healing will begin to occur. The author believes that African Americans need to learn some of their nature-based traditions so they can reconnect with this life force.
The ancestors are perhaps the most revered element in Akan cosmology. Similar to Somé, Fisher (1998) illustrates that in Akan cosmology the ancestors serve as mediators between the earthly and supernatural world; they usually reincarnate to the same family; and to dishonor one’s ancestors will bring misfortune to one’s community. It is a great honor to become an ancestor and each human does not necessarily attain this status. Ancestors often reincarnate in order to help their family. Fisher identifies three things which must occur in order to become an ancestor.
1. A person "must live a life worthy of emulation."
2. A person must "live normally to a ripe old age."
3. A person must "have children and grandchildren (p. 97)."
The value of one’s ancestors cannot be emphasized enough. Bringing this identity to the situation of contemporary African American communities, many of its current problems are connected to the treatment of the ancestors. First, with dislocation from their original lands there was a loss in some of the means to communicate with the ancestors, as their spirits where often manifested through the local landscape and animals. Second, the brutality of slavery has often caused many to lose the history of their people, while others have forsaken this history because it is too painful to address. It is important for African Americans to both research their history and traditions, and to listen to the stories of their familial elders who are still alive. A communal illness may result from a dishonoring of or disconnection to one’s ancestors, whether conscious or not.
 
The image of the African landscape
The idea of African Americans looking to their ancestral homelands for wisdom, healing, and social change is not a foreign concept. Charles Long, Professor of Religion and Director of the Center for Black Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, claims Africa is an important image for Africans in the United States as they are a "landless people." According to Long, the African American psyche is tied to the landscapes of Africa:
This constituted a complexity of experience revolving around the relationship between one’s physical being and one’s origins. So even if he had no conscious memory of Africa, the image of Africa played an enormous part in the religion of the black man. The image of Africa, an image related to historical beginnings, has the religious revalorization of the land, a place where the natural and ordinary gestures of the black man were and could be authenticated. In this connection, one can trace almost every nationalistic movement among the Blacks and find Africa to be the dominating and guiding image (Fulop & Raboteau, 1997 p. 26).
This statement contains two important ideas. First, it stresses that the identity of the Black person in the United States (or probably any displaced African community) is connected to the physical land and cultural traditions of West and Central Africa. Thus the African American psyche is still connected to a particular place, although this connection tends to diminish with time. Secondly, social movements among African Americans almost always relate to the Africa continent.
Long continues, stating:
The image of Africa, as it appears in Black religion is unique, for the Black community in American is a landless people. Unlike the American Indian, the land was not taken from him, and unlike the Black Africans in South Africa or Rhodesia, his land is not occupied by groups whom he considers aliens. His image of the land points to the religious meaning of land even in the absence of these forms of authentication (Fulop & Raboteau, 1997, p. 26).
Thus, a descendant of Africa will always be tied to this place, for it is the origin of her/his culture. This idea parallels the experiences of Jews and African Americans as displaced peoples. The connection between one’s homeland and identity is inseparable. Jews all over the world are concerned about the state of Israel, for it represents a sacred place where their culture was originally intact. Displaced Africans have this same identity concern with African lands. Another essayist, MacRoberts in The Black Roots of Pentecostalism, claims that many Christian oriented Blacks have identified with the story of Israel because it is similar to their own struggle with land and identity ((Fulop & Raboteau, 1997, p. 300). Yet Jews and Blacks have had different experiences within the United States for the Jews fall into Yeo’s class of immigrant minorities, versus Blacks who fall into the caste-like minority group where their is a higher level of oppression (1997).
On a side bar, it is important to note that although people of western culture assert the right to own property, the traditional African was not permitted to own land "... as a means of generating wealth (Coniff & Davis, 1994, pp.41-42)." This stresses that Africans were not permitted complete power over land as in western culture, signifying a healthier ecological tradition. Thus the image of land for the African people is not of control, instead recognizing a spiritual relationship with the life force.
 
The African personality
Many theorists identify an African personality that is very different than the idea of personality found in western psychology. Akbar (Azibo, 1996) provides an excellent model of reconstructionist African psychology, one which is rooted in African philosophy. He describes African psychology as "purposeful in its emergence, harmonious with its ecology, and consistent with the laws of life (p. 30)." This psychology is embedded within the natural world and, in actuality, humbles itself to the laws of nature, as opposed to placing the human personality above natural laws.
Akbar, like many Africentric psychologists, identifies three components of the African personality: the physical, mental, and spiritual. The physical is the initial drive, tending to survival needs. The mental is an inquiry state where one attains knowledge of oneself and one’s world. Lastly, the spiritual regulates the other two facets of the personality by giving them a moral conscience (p. 43). He terms it the "essence of the human being" (p. 41). Akbar claims that our current psychological problems are a result of leaving out the spiritual in our models, and hence, leaving out moral influence.
Akbar makes two exceptional insights. First, he elaborates on the physical component of the African personality, asserting that the survival orientation of the psyche is crucial to a healthy personality.
The environment that leads to the kind of sustained stress that subverts to destructiveness [of] survival strategies is an unnatural environment. An environment that permits effective survival oriented behavior and responses is a natural environment (p.35).
This has important implications for western culture which continually stresses overcoming its physical needs. Akbar believes that attuning to the physical body is our natural healthy state. The spiritual facet brings morality to the physical helping to regulate it, but not to rule it, it is not above the physical.
The second valuable insight is Akbar’s criterion for a valid, healthy psychological model. He claims "an effective functioning human being should basically agree in form to the definition of any successful life form (p. 31)." Here, the idea is to look to other living things in the world that have survived in long-term duration and mirror its principles. This is very similar to David Abram’s (1996) contention that the human psyche should be modeled after the natural patterns of life. It is so simple, but western culture does not adhere to this principle. African psychology does.
Fisher (1998) provides some pertinent information about the Africentric psychology and the role of human soul through studying the traditions of the Akan of Ghana. The Akan identify the spiritual world as being intrinsically tied to the earth and, in fact, believe that earthly life is the ultimate attainment.
Connectedness with the earth here and now affirms the this- worldliness of African religions and cultures. Punishment and reward due to life on earth are meted out in this world. The highest form of reward is to return to this life (p. 105).
This is an extremely important point to emphasize for contemporary African Americans in addressing how Christianity may have altered their current understandings of heaven. Enslaved Africans were introduced to the notion of heaven being dislocated from earthly existence through exposure to Christianity. This identification was used to make enslavement more tolerable, for it suggested that the suffering which occurred in this life would somehow be compensated for, once one reached heaven. This identity becomes problematic for those who still subscribe to this belief, for it somehow nullifies the meaning of this life and also the beauty and abundance of this world. Also if one digs deeper into Christianity, it is clear that Jesus claimed that "heaven is on earth". The African traditions both recognize and elaborate on this idea.
The Akan see the human as a "mirror of the cosmos (p. 65)." The human in physical form is a manifestation of an immortal soul which contains many parts and is transformed with each birth and death. The soul exists both within this world and also within a supernatural world. The human body is comprised of four spiritual parts: the ‘kra, the sunsum, the ntoro, and the mogya. The ‘kra is "a person’s double linking.. .to God (p. 67)." It is the individual’s personality/spirit which is constant, never leaving the body during one’s earthly life, yet with death the ‘kra persists, returning to the supernatural world. It is immortal, originating from the spirit world and continually returns to the earthly world:
Birth is regarded by the Akan as a death in the spirit world. A spirit mother is bereaved, for she has lost her child to a mother in the physical world (p. 92).
One cannot separate the trials and lessons of the present life from the future and past, for as the life force illustrates, they are forever connected.
The sunsum is another soul part, yet unlike the ‘kra, the sunsum sometimes departs from the human body. For example the sunsum is the part of the soul that travels or acts out in dreams. The ntoro and mogya are the parts which come from the father and mother, respectively. The Akan believe that one’s spiritual parts come from the father, while one’s physical traits come from the mother. The mogya comes from the mother’s blood, while the ntoro comes from the father’s semen. These components are significant as they show a complex identity for the human which is never ending and connected to a spiritual world that is both earth-based and supernatural, and tied to lineage.
The Akan view illness as relating to social aspects of the community, as opposed to western society which views illness as limited to one’s physical body or psychology. Illness manifests through one’s sunsum. Here, the person becomes sick because her/his sunsum has ill intentions towards others. According to Fisher, the Akan address this type of illness through a yearly festival where people of all status can act out towards others without being penalized. This type of ritual serves as a cleansing of the sunsum. When a person is ill, the affliction is first addressed by their immediate family who will call on the ancestors for guidance. If a cure is not found through these means, a community specialist is summoned. There are many different professions who address sickness from more "traditional" types of doctors (ie. someone who would set a splint), to herbalists, and diviners. The diviner consults the spiritual world for solutions. If a solution is not found, it is acceptable for the afflicted to remain in society. This is in sharp contrast to western society where the ill are institutionalized in hospitals, mental institutions, and prisons. Perhaps, if western society kept the "ill" visible, its people would see more clearly how this society is failing. The level of sickness within a society represents how it is functioning as a whole.
This information about the African personality and role of the human soul is merely a taste of the myriad of African identity. One should not take this information as comprehensive. The author doubts that any theorist could present the vast information in this area as it involves a diverse range of peoples, many whose cosmologies have not been documented through the written word. Instead, the importance is to recognize that the African traditions have a very different view of the human identity than western culture. It is inherently spiritual and nature-based. It is not personal, but communal, and the community involves all living things past, present, and future.
 
Non-duality, pantheism, and dynamism
Another difference between African traditions and that of mainstream western culture (which is typically Christian) is the belief in many gods, which are neither good nor bad, and are constantly changing. Sandra Barnes, Professor of Anthropology and Director of African Studies at the University of Pennsylvania, provides examples of this in her edited work, Africa’s Ogun: Old World and New (1997). Ogun is an intense and powerful deity within the Yoruba religion who is associated with "hunting, iron, and warfare" and is also associated with "modern technology (p. 2)." He is a predominant image not only in the Yoruba religion, but has influenced multicultural communities throughout the Americas and other regions. In fact, he may be the most relevant deity for African descendants throughout the Americas. While there are many tales of how the deity appeared, it is clear that he became a notable presence as early as the agricultural revolution and became even stronger with the industrial revolution. Ogun has become even stronger with the age of modern technology.
It is important to note that Ogun is only one of as many as 401 deities found in the Yoruba religion. This culture, like most traditional West African cultures, is pantheistic having many gods. In many cases there may be one leading figure, but the popularity and positions of the deities are constantly changing with the world and its reflection within society. Ogun appears as a particularly harsh god, involved with metal smithing, warring, and killing, yet he is neither good nor bad, but can be considered as both. Barnes conveys that he is a reflection of the reality of this world. This is quite interesting and connects with what the principle of non-duality found in the field of Ecopsychology.
Non-duality suggests that identities which are traditionally placed in opposition are not exclusive to one another, but, in actuality, co-exist to contain greater meaning. For example dark and light are often considered opposing principles because if there is dark, there cannot be light, and vice versa. A different way of relating these two concepts would to see that without darkness there cannot be light, they are dependent upon one another, and offer a fuller spectrum of creative possibility. The position of Ogun as a god who is both good and bad offers the idea that life is both good and bad (i.e. both joyful and sad, pleasurable and painful), and more importantly, that both are necessary for survival. This is in contrast to some of the western images of deities, such as Catholicism, where god is good and pure, while the devil is evil. These two entities do not co-exist and the ultimate vision is to rid the world of the devil. The Yoruba religion seems more sustainable for it recognizes the duality within, yet the integration of the world. It represents an acceptance of the life cycles which are constantly full of beginnings and endings, tranquility and chaos. The Yoruba religion seems more realistic in that it reflects the order of the living world.
Ogun appears to be a deity that addresses the current state of society. He seems full of contradictions, yet when referring to non-duality, it is apparent that he simply mirrors the current state of the world. It is no coincidence that he appeared first in the agricultural age and became stronger as the world became more mechanistic and paternalistic. He is the representation of the most harsh, yet respected warrior characteristics found in the male image. Barnes refers to him as both "creator" and "destroyer", an identity which clearly parallels the living world. For example, modern society is creative of human innovations, however many of them are attributed to the destruction of this planet. It is interesting that Ogun is compared to both a deity of modern technology, yet in some ways an eco-God, "Ogun...a heroic figure who does not deplete the resources of the earth but takes only what he needs to subsist (Barnes, 1997, p. xvi)." However, this identity seems less emphasized than that of destroyer. Barnes claims:
...Ogun is a metaphoric representation of the realization that people create the means to destroy themselves. He stands for humans’ collective attempts to govern, not what is out of control in nature, but what is out of control in culture. He represents not so much what is inexplicable, unseen, or unknown, as what is known but not under control (p. 16).
In terms of ecopsychology, Ogun represents the range of possibilities humans have in their relationship with the earth and one another. Humans possess extraordinary creative faculties, but they become destructive to the earth and one another, when they do not keep them in check through adherence to a greater law which manifests in constructs of religion, morality, and social and political laws.
Barnes offers another important point, the dynamism and inclusiveness of the Yoruba and other traditional African religions. Africans who have been exposed to other religions through colonization and slavery have been able to easily incorporate the principles of the foreign religions into their traditional religions without destroying them. For example when the Yoruba slaves in the Carribean where exposed to Catholicism, they quickly saw the parallel identities between their traditional deities and the patron saints. One religion did not exclude the other. At the same time, the pantheistic aspect of the Yoruba allows them to relate to different deities for different occasions and seasons. It is no coincidence that the association with Ogun is on a steady incline as societies become more industrial and technical.
This dynamism and inclusiveness also suggests that Yoruba and other traditional African religions are more viable than many of western civilization. Many of the western traditions necessitate that their followers associate with one god and one identity. This places all other religions and cultures at odds with their identity, making it difficult to co-exist without wanting to change the "other", to see the another culture as wrong or deficient. In contrast, traditional African beliefs are inclusive, allowing a space for multiple ideas and identities, which closely mirrors the multi-fold identities of the physical and unseen world.
Malidoma Somé (1998) also provides an example of dynamism within his Dagaran culture. Somé illustrates that his culture centers on a wheel of life, stressing the cyclic nature of the living world. A circle shows that the life process has no beginning or end it is simply a dynamic cycle. The wheel of life includes five elements within the living world: The elements that are marked around it have no hierarchical order, placing more importance on one than the other, they simple are and interact with one another. In the Dagaran culture, the elements play an essential role. In short, the elements symbolize the resources that allow life on earth to occur. The Dagaran identity five elements in this world: water, nature, fire, mineral or stone, and earth.
It is interesting to note that fire and mineral/stone are masculine, while water and nature are feminine. According to Somé, problems occur when the masculine elements are too abundant, and/or if the feminine elements are not abundant enough. Somé makes an important observation, contending that many of the problems in western culture are a result of having too much masculine energy and not enough feminine. It is interesting that many of the foundations of industrial culture are based on mineral/stone and fire. For example things such as manufacturing (welding), electricity, building construction, mining. At the same time, western culture is destroying many of the feminine elements of water and nature through pollution, deforestation, and other industrial practices. In the Dagaran wheel, Earth is at the center, while the four elements are its reciprocal energies. Two are feminine, and two are masculine, illustrating that there is a gender balance on this planet. The Dagaran identify nature as feminine, but it is not the same as Earth, merely a component of it, the plants and animals (including humans) of Earth. Earth is both male and female, while nature is more characteristic of the feminine.
 
Divination and ritual
Anthropologist, W. Bascom (1969), offers another view of the Yoruba tradition which connects to divination. Ifa divination is another principle from the traditional religion of the Yoruba people in West Africa. Divination is a way of receiving and interpreting information from the life force. Ifa divination exists within the same cosmology that contains the deity, Ogun, originating from the city of Ife, and extends the principles of non-duality and dynamism. Bascom’s essay, The System of Belief, looks at "...three deities, Ifa, Eshu, and Olorun, and the concept of fate or destiny and its relationship to the multiple souls of mankind (p. 103)."
Olorun is the "Sky God" and is the closest representation of the overall God, yet does not, in totality, hold this position. He represents the supernatural world, and rules the destiny of the Yoruba people. Similar to the Akan, the Yoruba culture believes in reincarnation and that each individual is comprised of multiple souls. The individual reincarnates into this world with a fate that has been determined by Olorun. However, the individual has much choice in choosing her/his destiny and has a degree of flexibility which is determined by the results of her/his previous life. As a result, an individual is born with specific gifts and/or hindrances, and one possible purpose of this life is to improve or develop one’s faculties, uncovering one’s fate. There is always choice involved:
Except for the appointed day upon which an individual’s several souls must return to the heaven, destiny is not fixed and unalterable. It sets a chart for one’s life which can bring many blessings if it is followed, but in order to achieve his destiny and to live out his allotted span, one must offer the proper prayers and sacrifices, employ protective medicines, and behave correctly in other ways (Bascom, 1969, p. 118).
The Yoruba vehemently believe that there is a guiding supernatural force that must be heeded and honored. This force manifests through, a possible, 400 deities, which have different levels of status within the religion. Bascom illustrates that the three deities, Olorun, Esha, and Ifa are most pertinent to the concepts of fate and destiny through adherence and mediation with the supernatural force.
Esha is known as the "Divine Trickster" or the "Messenger of Olorun (p. 103)." In many ways he parallels the figure of Mercury (Hermes) in Greek mythology. Like Ogun, Esha exhibits the qualities of non-duality, being both a beneficial and malevolent force. He can either assist or hurt humans, sometimes becoming destructive. He tends to punish those who do not heed the wishes of Olorun. His image suggests that God is both kind and vengeful.
In contrast, Ifa appears as a more gentler entity, helping humans to understand the wishes of Olorun through divination. Ifa seems more like a force, taking a less anthropocentric form than the other deities. Divination is a complex system of obtaining direct messages from the supernatural force or "God". The Yoruba most readily employ a system of divination that uses nuts and shells to manifest and interpret these messages. It is very similar to other modes of divination such as the I-Ching and the Tarot, but is, at the same time, unique.
The gift of divination is taught to specific individuals within the Yoruba culture, known as diviners or healers, and are chosen by Ifa, to do this work. The diviners often assist those in society who are confronted with illness and who are out of balance with some aspect of their community. The Ifa diviners use a specific system to derive messages from God which the patient must heed. Most often they manifest specific proverbs and bits of wisdom, which are accompanied by specific steps (such as sacrifices) which must be heeded in order to come back into balance.
Ifa divination is one example of ritual where, as a result, wisdom comes from an unexplainable source. The community recognizes that there are laws and wisdom that are above human perceptions. Humans must seek out this information through various types of rituals. The diviner is trained to interpret this information, yet all individuals have a relationship to the supernatural through their multiple souls.
In his book, Ritual: Power, Healing, and Community, Malidoma Somé (1993) speaks in depth of the importance of ritual and connection to the spiritual, living world:
What actually makes ritual a requirement is far beyond what the world, as it is can handle. In the surface world our ability to make things happen is very limited. This limitation is a reflection of the incompleteness of a world without the spirit realm. So Spirit is our channel through which every gap in life can be filled. But the spirit realm will not take care of these gaps without our conscious participation. Thus our collaboration makes us central to the actual happening of a ritual (p. 33).
Somé contends that ritual is not simply a secondary factor to leading an earth-based, spiritual, and purposeful life. It is a central factor, because it connects the human realm to that of the natural world and the ancestors. Ritual calls forth to other energies within and out of this world to provide insights and wisdom for living a purposeful and sustainable life. Establishing this connection is crucial because it allows deeper truths about the meaning and practices of life to come through. These things cannot be realized without ritual. A society without ritual cannot survive.
Somé explains that there are three types of ritual: community, family, and personal. All three types are interconnected and needed. The person that does not practice personal ritual cannot successfully enter into family and community ritual, and vice versa since communities and families are made up of individuals. Community ritual is one larger group, perhaps a clan, made up of people who share similar beliefs, who live in close proximity with one another. The latter presupposes the former for people do not live successfully in close proximity unless they share some common values. Perhaps this is one of the problems with the communities of western society. These are often grouped together into neighborhoods and towns because of the economic opportunities and wage similarities, not because of spiritual values. And usually, the types of communities formed do not necessitate dependencies upon one another such as in traditional communities, making dialogue unnecessary. The people entering into a community ritual must be willing to enter into this type of relationship with others.
Obviously family rituals are done within one’s immediate blood line, and usually take place at the home. There are numerous types of family rituals, usually marking specific relationships among family members, such as grandparent to grandchild. Lastly personal rituals are spiritual practices performed by individuals. However, they are still intrinsic to the family and community, and involve recognizing the greater forces of the natural world and the ancestors/other world.
It is important to recognize that all three types of ritual are needed. Somé stresses that the individual needs to enter into ritual:
A person who lives in constant touch with the invisible realm of incomparable power is always in a good temperament and very understanding of people and situations. He does not fall prey to retaliatory invitations and does not experience wide swings in mood (p. 42).
While many people of western culture may engage in both personal and family ritual, engaging in community ritual is often difficult. Somé stresses that community ritual must be shared with people one trusts. However, people of western culture often live in isolated, non-communal worlds. In terms of the urban Blacks, the last chapter illustrated how urban blight has led to distrust within the community, causing many to be isolated from one another.
Community ritual must be a sacred thing between its members. The people involved must enter into ritual for the good of the group, not to satisfy any personal goals. What is of equal importance is that Somé states that the purpose of the collective ritual cannot be for social change:
...one cannot form a community whose goal is to tear the rest of the society apart. A community that wants to "correct" the current sense of community is not going to survive. A true community begins in the hearts of the people involved. It is not a place of distraction but a place of being. It is not a place where you reform, but a place you go home to (p. 51).
This statement is very crucial to this paper. Ecopsychology seeks to heal the rift between the human identity and the rest of the living world. In terms of African Americans, the author seeks to utilize African nature-based traditions as a key to healing the urban black community in a sustainable manner. However it would be futile for those working in Ecopsychology, nor those working for racial justice to change society to model their views. This would simply be another form of human domination. It would simply create another unnatural system. The significance of ritual is that it attunes to the laws of the living world. From the author’s view, this is the ultimate goal of society.
In light of present circumstances, engaging in true community ritual may seem impossible. However, Somé hints that a community does not have to include a large group of people, it can start with two people who wish to identify with a greater power, "community is formed each time more than one person meets for a purpose (1993, p.49)." This makes the initiating of community ritual more feasible.
Ultimately, every type of ritual involves surrendering to a greater power. This involves humility for it is an acknowledgement that the human realm is not the most intelligent, but instead that humans are simply a piece within a greater cycle. Entering into ritual will allow the greater plan for communities, families, and individuals to unfold in responsive, natural ways. "A person’s life is ritualized who accepts the fact that everything he or she does is the work of the hands of the Divine (Some, 1993, p. 98)."
 
Conclusion
This chapter overviews numerous concepts from Central and West African traditions. The purpose is to demonstrate that the African identity is in sharp contrast to that of western identity. Furthermore, African descendants cannot separate from their ancestral homeland and culture. The life force will continually influence their fate. The African identity is based on a spiritual, living world. It is responsive to the true forces of life, making it potentially sustainable. African Americans are continually socialized to integrate into mainstream western culture. The history of western culture has been oppressive to Blacks, disrupting their relationship with their ancestral traditions. The problems of urban Blacks cannot be addressed through a western framework, for this framework itself is inherently oppressive. Blacks must reach into their ancestral traditions and at the same time place them into the context of their present circumstance. What is most important, and also most difficult, is that in order to guide this process of change, African Americans must adhere to a higher, spiritual force, the life force. The next and concluding chapter will begin to identify ways this might be accomplished.